CATHERINE Part Two: Emancipated from the Bonds of Slavery

One month after her son Charles’s death and less than a year after arriving at Evergreen Plantation, Catherine became pregnant with her second child.  She had not married anyone in the enslaved community on the plantation.  Her child’s father was the man who legally owned her and her unborn baby.

Lezin Becnel, forty-two years old and the proprietor of Evergreen Plantation, had lost his first wife Josephine in 1842.  He was left a widow with two young sons and soon remarried.  His second wife, Fanny de Baconnais, died just two years into their marriage in 1848.  In six years time, Lezin had been widowed twice.  Did he send his factor and agent Christoval Toledano to the slave market that fateful day to purchase a woman for companionship or something more?  Or did Lezin merely tell him he was in need of a skilled seamstress and was surprised by the connection that developed between them?  Catherine’s relationship with Lezin will be forever marked by the fact that she was enslaved.  As his property, she did not possess the right to consent.  He could do with her as he wanted.  Yet further evidence shows that whatever the origins of their relationship, Lezin grew to deeply care for her and the children they had together.

On October 17, 1852, at four o’clock in the afternoon, Virginia was born.  Catherine held her new daughter in her arms while out in the fields the enslaved laborers were beginning to harvest the cane crop.  Grinding season was the busiest time of year on the plantation.

Julian Vannerson, Unidentified Girl, likely Mary Mildred Botts Williams, 1855.  Daguerrotype.  Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston.

Julian Vannerson, Unidentified Girl, likely Mary Mildred Botts Williams, 1855. Daguerrotype. Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston.

The little girl would be known by several names, each a variant of the other.  It appears her mother named her for the home she had once known long ago, perhaps in remembrance of the family she had forever lost.  Records have her as Marie Virginie, Mary Virginia, Virginia, Marie Eugenie, and Eugenie.  The connecting link is “Ginny” or “Jenny,” a nickname for both Virginia and Eugenie.  This is probably the name most people called her, just as her mother was also known as Kate.

Catherine returned to St. John the Baptist Catholic Church, the place where she had baptized and buried her son Charles, on April 7, 1853.  It is quite possible that this was not the first time she had entered the church’s doors since laying to rest her son, for that day she was prepared to be baptized into the Catholic faith along with her six month old daughter.  Had she gone willingly, embracing Catholicism as part of her new life and culture in Creole Louisiana?  Or had Lezin insisted on her conversion?  Was she persuaded, coerced, or wholly satisfied with her choice? 

It appears Catherine had been able to select her own godparents.  Adam and Pauline, both Creole slaves, stood beside her as she received the sacrament.  She forged bonds and made friends amongst the enslaved domestics.  Like Catherine, Adam and Pauline were both of mixed race and had always worked in the big house. 

Father Mina recorded the baptism of Lezin and Catherine’s daughter in the parish’s baptismal record book for slave and free people of color : “Marie Eugenie mulatresse born 17 October 1852 at 4 pm. . . Lezin Becnel is master of her and her mother and has declared her free.”  Her godparents were white cousins of her father’s, Irma and Pierre Roussel.  Lezin chose to acknowledge his daughter and take steps to free her.

Lezin and Catherine had second child together in December 1855.  They named him Edgard.  Is it mere coincidence that the daughter was named for her mother’s place of birth---Virgnia---and the son was named for his father’s---Edgard, Louisiana? 

After Edgard’s birth, racial tensions heightened in Louisiana and across the South.  Free people of color were held in increased suspicion, and a movement to strip them of their rights began.  There was a push to make any slave who was emancipated leave the state.  In an effort to limit the free black population of Louisiana, the state legislature prepared to enact legislation that would prohibit emancipation.  This new law would take effect on March 6, 1857.  Lezin would have been aware of this impending threat to the future of Catherine and his children.  He decided to take prompt action.

Lezin Becnel was required to publish his petition for emancipation in the official newspaper of the parish.

Lezin Becnel was required to publish his petition for emancipation in the official newspaper of the parish.

On March 4, 1856, the suit Lezin Becnel vs. The State of Louisiana came before the court in his home parish.  S. M. Berault represented him, and Emile Legendre, district attorney, acted on behalf of the state.  Lezin presented a petition for the emancipation of three slaves: Catherine, a mulatto woman age 24, Marie Virginie, a Creole quadroon age 3, and Edgard a 3 month old Creole quadroon boy.  The case was taken up for trial.  Twelve jurors deliberated on it, including several with the surnames Becnel and Haydel, Lezin’s relatives.  Lezin put up three bonds of $1000 each---one for each slave---and his first cousin Pierre A. Becnel acted as his security on the bonds.  The court also required the testimonies of two witnesses “as to good character and sober habits of said slaves.”

The jury delivered a verdict in favor of the emancipation of Catherine, Marie Virginie, and Edgard, and gave them permission to remain in the state.  The foreman delivered and read in open court in the now long gone original St. John the Baptist parish courthouse that Catherine and her babies were “hereby emancipated from the bonds of slavery and declared free.” 

The seemingly unimaginable had occurred.  Catherine, torn apart from her family and sold first as a young child, examined and analyzed like a beast of burden on the auction block, then later sold seven times in three and a half years---she was free.  The law recognized her as a human being, not a piece of property.  Catherine, who had held her baby son Charles in her arms as he died, enduring unspeakable loss, could now go to sleep at night knowing that her living children were free.  They could never be sold away from her, as she had been taken from her mother.  They would have a future with opportunities she could never have imagined. 

Then just nine months later, at the very end of grinding, when what was left of the cane was frozen to the ground due to temperatures in the thirties, Catherine awoke to discover that Lezin was dead.  On December 28, 1856, at the age of forty-six, the man who had given her freedom had died.  They had doted on their children together; she had known that he would always take care of them and provide for them.  With his death came not only sorrow but an ominous and uncertain future.

The Veterans of Evergreen Plantation: Soldiers of the 80th United States Colored Infantry

During the Civil War Evergreen was run by the Union army, and the men formerly enslaved there were conscripted into working in the sugarcane fields, this time for the federal government.

Company H 80th Regiment U.S. Colored Infantry Military Register Lithograph. The Jay T. Last Collection of Graphic Arts and Social History, Huntingdon Digital Library.Almost all of the soldiers named in this lithograph came from St. John the Baptist parish and returned there after they were mustered out of the army. At the time, most did not have surnames, so they provided their slaveholders’ names instead. Note the use of Becnel, Donaldson, and Marmillion.

Company H 80th Regiment U.S. Colored Infantry Military Register Lithograph. The Jay T. Last Collection of Graphic Arts and Social History, Huntingdon Digital Library.

Almost all of the soldiers named in this lithograph came from St. John the Baptist parish and returned there after they were mustered out of the army. At the time, most did not have surnames, so they provided their slaveholders’ names instead. Note the use of Becnel, Donaldson, and Marmillion.

CONSCRIPTS FROM LEZIN BECNEL PLANTATION [EVERGREEN]

  • Adam (Adam Gordon)

  • Alexis (Alexander Becnel)

  • Allan

  • Cesar

  • Dick

  • Herainn (Aaron)

  • Jules

  • Ned (Ned Edwards)

  • Setors (Sanders)

  • Robert

  • Sam (Sam Dangerfield)

  • William

  • Gilbert (Isaac Gaines)

  • Joseph

  • Edmond

***NOTE: The names in the parentheses were those they adopted after the Civil War.

These men later joined the 80th Regiment and received a $200 bounty for enlisting.

The 80th United States Colored Infantry was stationed at Bonnet Carré in St. John the Baptist parish beginning in the summer of 1864.  The regiment quickly drew recruits from nearby plantations.  In August and September, many formerly enslaved men from Evergreen Plantation and the surrounding area enlisted.  The 80th occupied Bonnet Carré point and companies from the regiment guarded “various bayous leading into Lake Maurepas” with outposts extending up to “College Point,” near present day Convent.  The men who enlisted in the 80th began their military career serving and policing their own backyards.

During the regiment’s time in St. John the Baptist parish, it faced constant harassment by Confederate guerillas and marauding bands of deserters out to rob the countryside for their own gain.  Félix Pierre Poché, a Confederate planter, native of neighboring St. James parish, and an adversary of the 80th, described what the soldiers were up against: “These young men. . .are serving at this point. . .as a base of quasi military operations, in the form of very frequent raids on the river in St. James or Ascension, where they provide themselves with horses and clothing which they take from various stores which they have the pleasure and duty to visit during their excursions, which, in this way, become more or less lucrative.  As in everything else, there is necessarily great abuse. . .as many of these men do not limit themselves to taking only what they need, but make a veritable traffic in mules and other things which they sell here or in other places.”  Union soldiers struggled to combat the rampant raiding and pillaging.  In October, the commander of the District of Lafourche sent out soldiers to antagonize a band of partisans led by a man named Whittaker who had been raiding the countryside.  In cooperation with this move, the commander of the 80th USCI sent a patrol across Blind River toward French Settlement in a show of force against the raiders and guerillas.  

sjbmap.jpeg

By late December, Poché was organizing an attack on the 80th USCI.  He wrote in his diary, “At the invitation of some young men, I consented to take command of a little expedition which had the purpose of attacking and taking captive some Yankee pickets at Gaiennie’s mill on ‘Blind River.’”  He and his men worked to “procure guns, ammunition and other articles.”  The majority of the men involved in the raid were all natives of the River Parishes, with surnames like Roussel, Reine, Schexnadyre, Tassin, Chenet, Ory, and Trepagnier.  These Confederate guerrillas wounded three soldiers and captured five, all part of a detachment from Company G, 80th USCI, selected to man a picket post on Blind River.  One of these soldiers, Pvt. Tony More, died of his wounds.  Poché and his men also took nine rifles and ammunition from the camp and robbed the colored soldiers of their “great coats.”  The Confederate guerrillas then began a march to Clinton to deliver the prisoners and captured weapons to the post commander there.  En route to Clinton, three of the prisoners managed to escape.  Poché and other Confederate guerrillas’ actions demonstrate that while the men of the 80th never participated in any formal battle, they faced danger their entire time in service.  After the incident with Poché’s men, the 80th participated in a scouting expedition from Bayou Goula to Grand River.  The regiment was then sent to Camp Parapet near New Orleans.

The 80th spent the remainder of 1865 and most of 1866 in Alexandria and Shreveport in North Louisiana.  They were expected to police the area and help the region adjust to post-war conditions.  They encountered extreme resistance to the end of slavery and refusal to comply with the terms of Reconstruction.  The area surrounding Alexandria exhibited “very little change,” and according to Lieutenant Colonel Orrin McFadden of the 80th, “Union men whether of northern or southern birth are living in extreme jeopardy of their lives.”  Soldiers, former slaves, and Union supporters were subject to harassment and threats.  The 80th was one of the Union regiments that remained on duty in the South in an effort to maintain order and enforce Reconstruction laws and prevent violence.  The 80th’s commander, Colonel W. S. Mudgett, reported on conditions around Shreveport, “Many abuses to the freedmen are being perpetrated and the parties go free from punishment. . .as we are powerless to reach them with infantry troops. . .civil authorities will not protect the negro when calling for justice against a white man.  The people are as strongly united here against. . .the US Government as. . .[at] any time during the rebellion.”  Thus the 80th spent its last year in service trying to protect former slaves and citizens loyal to the government who were attempting to bring about social and political change.  In fact, these soldiers were in many ways the only protection against the return of the old social order, violence, and disorder.  “Take away the troops and northern men must leave or foreswear every principle of true loyalty and manhood and truckle to the prejudices of the masses,” Mudgett lamented.  

The 80th USCI’s last assignment was garrison duty in Texas.  It remained there until March 1, 1867, when its men were mustered out of service.  The 80th holds the distinction of being the last black regiment on Reconstruction duty.

IN MEMORY OF
PRIVATE TONEY MOORE

a soldier in the 80th United States Colored Infantry who lost his life fighting for the ideal upon which this country was founded, that all men are created equal

Fold3_Page_5_Compiled_Military_Service_Records_of_Volunteer_Union_Soldiers_Who_Served_the_United_States_Colored_Troops_56th138th_USCT_Infantry_18641866.jpg

For more information on soldiers from Evergreen Plantation who served in the 80th USCI, see Sam Dangerfield, Nancy and Adam Gordon, and Ned Edwards’ profiles in our Ancestor Project section of the website.